Title: What has Iberia to do with Jerusalem? Crusade and the Spanish route to the Holy Land in the twelfth century
Abstract: Abstract In spite of repeated papal injunctions forbidding them to abandon their homeland, Iberian Christians, like their co-religionists throughout Europe, were energised by a desire to participate in the Holy Land crusades. The most significant and creative attempt in the first half of the twelfth century to respond to this Spanish desire was the development of the idea of the iter per Hispaniam, which was fostered by Iberian archbishops and monarchs such as Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela and Alfonso I of Aragon. This Spanish route was intended to unite the conflicts in the peninsula and the Holy Land, forming a single Mediterranean-wide crusading theatre and thereby granting the Iberian conflict a deeper connection with the struggle for control of the holiest sites in Christendom. This article explores the development of crusading ideology in Spain and the difficulties of doing so in a venue outside of the Holy Land. Additionally, the development of the Spanish route idea provides a unique opportunity to contextualise recent historiographical discussions about the essence of the crusades and to highlight the way in which different perspectives helpfully offer insight into various aspects of peninsular crusading. Keywords: Diego GelmírezAlfonso I of AragonSpain Reconquista Crusade Acknowledgments The author wishes to express his appreciation to Professor Thomas Madden who shepherded the earliest drafts of this article. Drs William Purkis and Damian Smith offered insightful criticism and encouragement at timely moments. A version of this article was delivered at the Fortieth International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, MI. Notes 1 Sicut de tua, ut nosti, prosperitate gaudemus, sic profecto tua de adversitate afficimur. Unde regni tui, et proximorum tuorum finibus providentes, milites tuos quos vidimus ire Jerosolymam prohibuimus. Litteras insuper hoc ipsum prohibentes, et peccatorum veniam pugnatoribus in regna vestra comitatusque mandavimus. Porro quod de captivitate Christianorum significasti, vehementius affecti sumus, et quod idem super electo Compostellano petisti non negare decrevimus. Patrologia Latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844–65), vol. 163, no. 26, col. 45 (14 October 1100). Abreviated hereafter as PL. 2 Josep Guidal deals with the example of the Catalans in ‘De peregrins i peregrinatges religiosos catalans’, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, 3 (1927), 93–121. 3 PL, vol. 151, no. 20, cols 302–3 (1 July 1089). 4 Eius indulgenciis prouocatus uenerabilis primas Bernardus de clericis indigenis Toletanam ecclesiam ordinauit, et assumptis ad uiam neccessariis, crucis signaculo insignitus recessit a propria ciuitate, uolens cum exercitu, de quo superius diximus, in Siriam transfretare[…]. Ipse uero cepto itinere Romam iuit; set cum ad sedem apostolicam peruenisset, prohibuit eum dominus Papa Vrbanus ne procederet, set in tanta nouitate ad sedem propriam remearet, ne pastoris absencia nouella plantatio periculo subiaceret. Rodrigo Ximénez de Rada, ‘De rebus Hispaniae’, Opera, ed. María Desamparados Cabanese Pecourt (Valencia, 1968), 139–40. See Bernard F. Reilly, The kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton, 1988), 263–4. 5 Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Sección Clero (San Juan de la Peña), leg. 446, no. 459 records that in 1101 rex accepit crucem per ad Iherosolimitanis partibus. On the papal response to Peter I's plans, see Antonio Ubieto Arteta, ‘La participación navarro-aragonesa en la primera cruzada’, Principe de Viana, 8 (1947), 370. 6 Cebrià Baraut, ‘Els documents, dels anys 1101–1150, de l'Arxiu Capitular de la Seu d'Urgell’, Urgellia, 9 (1988–89), nos 1191, 1197, 1218, 1233, 1244, 1261, 1265, 1280, 1281, 1292, 1337, 1395, 1396, 1452, 1467, 1478. I am indebted to Damian J. Smith for this reference. On this phenomenon also see Alfonso Sanchez Candeira, ‘Las Cruzadas en la historiografía española de la época. Traducción castellana de una redacción desconocida de los “Anales de Tierra Santa”’, Hispania (Madrid), 20 (1960), 327–31. 7 Scripsimus enim vobis praeterito tempore ne Hierosolymitanae expeditionis occasione partes vestras desereretis[…]; non parum enim in discessu vestro illorum tyrannidem occidentalibus partibus formidamus[…]. Vobis ergo omnibus iterata praeceptione praecipimus ut in vestris partibus persistentes Moabitas et Mauros totis viribus impugnetis: ibi largiente Deo vestras poenitentias peragatis: ibi sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli et apostolicae eorum Ecclesiae remissionem et gratiam percipiatis. Paschal II, ‘Epistolae et Privelegia’, PL, vol. 163, no. 44, cols 64–5 (25 March 1101). An earlier letter from Urban II to Alfonso VI dissuading the latter from taking the cross referenced in Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ed. Philip Jaffé, revised by S. Loewenfeld, et al. 2 vols (Leipzig, 1885–88), vol. 1, 704, no. 5814 is likely a forgery. 8 See J.N. Hillgarth, ‘Spanish historiography and Iberian reality’, History and Theory, 24 (1985), 23–43 for an analysis of older historiographical approaches to the ‘Reconquista’ and its role as a semi-mythical unifying event in Spanish history. The revisionist trends of the second half of the twentieth century, emphasising the economic and demographic roots of the conflicts, can be seen in the works of Abilio Barbero and Marcelo Vigil, Sobre los orígenes sociales de la Reconquista (Esplugues de Llobregat, 1974); Juan-Luis Martín, Evolución económica de la península ibérica: siglos VI-XIII (Barcelona, 1976); and Salvador de Moxó, Repoblación y sociedad en la España cristiana medieval (Madrid, 1979). Jose Goñi Gaztambide, La historia de la bula de la cruzada en España (Vitoria, 1958), made one of the first sustained arguments for connecting the eastern Crusades and religious warfare in Iberia in opposition to the then current trend of crusades historiography as seen, for example, in Paul Rousset, Histoire des croisades (Paris, 1957), 33–4 and Hans Eberhard Mayer, The crusades, trans. John Gillingham (London, 1972 [first German edition, 1965]), 19–20, both of whom limited bona fide crusading ventures to the East. But see also Giles Constable, ‘The second crusade as seen by contemporaries’, Traditio, 9 (1953), 213–79. 9 See for example Carl Erdmann, The origin of the idea of crusade, trans. M.W. Baldwin and W. Goffart (Princeton, 1977), 306–71; H.E.J. Cowdrey, ‘Pope Urban II's preaching of the first crusade’, History, 55 (1970), 177–88; Mayer, The crusades, 9–40 and 290–1; C.J. Tyerman, ‘The Holy Land and the crusades of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries’, in: Crusade and Settlement, ed. P.W. Edbury (Cardiff, 1985), 105–12; Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the heavenly city: crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic west (1099–1187) (Aldershot, 2005). 10 Jonathan Riley-Smith, What were the crusades?, 3rd edn (San Francisco, 2003) and ‘Crusading as an Act of Love’, History, 65 (1980), 177–92. 11 Joshua Prawer, ‘Jerusalem in the Christian and Jewish perspective of the early middle ages’, in: Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo (Spoleto, 1980), 739–95. See also A.H. Bredero, ‘Jérusalem dans l'occident Médiéval’, in: Mélanges offerts à René Crozet (Poitiers, 1966), 259–71; The Cambridge history of the Bible, vol. 2. The west from the fathers to the reformation, ed. G.W.H. Lampe (Cambridge, 1969), 183–97; and Norman Housley ‘Jerusalem and the development of the crusade idea, 1099–1128’ in: The Horns of Hattin, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Jerusalem and London, 1992), 28–9. Housley has argued, however, that the appropriation of this literalising interpretation of Jerusalem differed according to region. 12 Housley, ‘Jerusalem and the development of the crusade idea’, 28. 13 Housley, ‘Jerusalem and the development of the crusade idea’, 31. 14 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The first crusade and the idea of crusading (Philadelphia, 1986), 126–7. 15 For a recent evaluation of the current schools of crusade interpretation see Norman Housley, Contesting the crusades (Oxford, 2006), 1–23. 16 Goñi Gaztambide, La Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada. See also Joseph. F. O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade in medieval Spain (Philadelphia, 2003). 17 Julian Charles Bishko, ‘The Spanish and Portuguese reconquest, 1095–1492’, in: A history of the crusades, ed. Harry W. Hazar, 6 vols (Madison, 1975), vol. 3, 403–4. Bishko offers no documentation to explain his interpretation of events nor any explanation for the use of the phrase via de Hispania. 18 Giovan Domenico Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 54 vols (Paris, 1901–27), vol. 22, 183–4, describes the Council of Toulouse as having been celebrated in the year 1118 and as being concerned with the ‘holy expedition into Spain against the Saracens.’ He furthermore notes that this ‘was the council at which the via de Hispania was confirmed [… fuit concilium in quo confirmata est via de Hispania.]’. Mansi directs his reader to the roughly contemporary Chronicus Maileacensus (that is, La chronique de Saint-Maixent, 751–1140, ed. and trans. Jean Verdon (Paris, 1979), 186–7), which, in turn, merely reiterates the information provided by Mansi: Tholose fuit concilium, in quo confirmata est via de Hispania[…]. The author of the Chronicus Maileacensus is unknown and, except for hypothesising that he was a cleric from the south of France, little can be established about him. Since the chronicle ends abruptly with the year 1140, it is likely that the writing of it terminated somewhere around that date. This could mean that via de Hispania was not a contemporary phrase but was anachronistically imported into the chronicler's depiction of an earlier period. While that possibility cannot be entirely discounted, since this particular phrase is not used by subsequent authors discussing the idea of crusading in Spain, it seems an unlikely prospect. See La chronique de Saint-Maixent, vii–ix. See also Jean Verdon, ‘Une source de la reconquête chrétienne en Espagne: la Chronique de Saint-Maixent’, in: Mélanges offert à René Crozet, ed. Pierre Gallais and Yves-Jean Riou, 2 vols (Poitiers, 1966), vol. 1, 273–82. I am indebted to William J. Purkis for this last reference. 19 In his Possessing the land. Aragon's expansion into Islam's Ebro frontier under Alfonso I the Battler 1104–34 (Leiden, 1995), 37, Clay Stalls takes a pessimistic approach to the Council of Toulouse, questioning its existence and disagreeing with the interpretation of events offered by Jonathan Riley-Smith, The crusades. A short history (New Haven, 1987), 89; Derek W. Lomax, The reconquest of Spain (London, 1978), 83–4; Joseph F. O'Callaghan, A history of medieval Spain (Ithaca, 1975), 219; and Bernard Reilly, The contest of Christian and Muslim Spain 1031–1157 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1992), 160. While certain elements of Stalls' argument are convincing, his evidence is not conclusive. Regardless, the more germane issue for this study is that the Chronicus Maileacensus (see above, n. 18) describes the council as being concerned with the via de Hispania. 20 William J. Purkis, ‘Pilgrimage and crusade spirituality, c. 1095–1187’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005), 174–6, is inclined to see the via de Hispania as part of the ‘penitential war’ tradition of late eleventh- and early twelfth-century Spain, not as part of what might be termed the early Iberian crusading tradition, although he does raise the question of whether or not the via de Hispania and the Spanish crusading route to the Holy Land are synonymous concepts (‘Pilgrimage and crusade spirituality', 187). 21 Probably intending to encourage a Catalan crusade which paralleled Alfonso I's Aragonese crusade, Calixtus II had offered, ‘to all those who fight persistently in this expedition [in Spain] the same remission of sins that we gave to the defenders of the eastern church’. Demetrio Mansilla, La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (963-1216) (Rome, 1955), 79–80, no. 62 (2 April [1121–24]). 22 O'Callaghan suggests that Gelmírez may have taken the crusader's vow as a result of Calixtus II's indulgence: Reconquest and crusade, 181. On the life of Gelmírez see Anselm Gordon Biggs, O.S.B., Diego Gelmírez. First archbishop of Compostela (Washington, D.C., 1949) and R.A. Fletcher, St. James' catapult. The life and times of Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela (Oxford, 1984). 23 Et quemadmodum milites Christi et fideles sanctae Ecclesiae filii iter Hierosolymitanum multo labore et multi sanguinis effusione aperuerunt, ita et nos Christi milites efficiamur, et ejus hostibus debellatis pessimis Saracenis, iter quod per Hispaniae partes brevius et multo minus laboriosum est, ad idem Domini sepulcrum, ipsius subveniente gratia aperiamus, Historia Compostellana, 2:78 in: PL, vol. 170, no. 1134. 24 O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade, 39, and Purkis, ‘Pilgrimage and crusade spirituality’, 180–2, suggest that a land route is in view. 25 Goñi Gaztambide, Historia, 71–6; O'Callaghan, Crusade and reconquest, 36–8. 26 See Peter Rassow, ‘La Cofradía de Belchite’, Anuario del Historia del Derecho Español, 3 (1926), 200–26; Antonio Ubieto Arteta, ‘La creación de la cofradía militar de Belchite’, Estudios de la edad media de la Corona de Aragón, 5 (1952), 427–34; Elena Louris, ‘The confraternity of Belchite, the Ribāt, and the Temple’, Viator, 13 (1982), 159–76; Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de la cruzada, 73–6, n. 40, 80–82; and O'Callaghan, Crusade and reconquest, 39–41. 27 On the dating of the foundation of the Monreal confraternity see chapter 5 of Antonio Ubieto Arteta's Historía de Aragón. La formación territorial (Zaragoza, 1981). O'Callaghan mistakenly dates the foundation to 1124 in Reconquest and crusade, 40. 28 Ecce A[defonsus] strenuus et gloriosus rex Aragonensis, quam pluribus strenue sue militie exerciciis ad libitum fere expletis, inspirante et cooperante Spiritus Sancti gratia, consilio et auxilio vice comitis Gastonis ceterorumque bonorum principum, duxit fore idoneum atque per omnia Domino Deo placitum quemadmodum est Ierosolimis, ordinare et constituere militiam Christi per quam rege duce debellatis et superatis omnibus de citra mare sarracenis iter aperire ad transfretandum Ierosolimam Christo previo disposuit. José María Lacarra, Documentos para el estudio de la reconquista y repoblación del valle de Ebro, 2 vols (Valencia, 1982), vol. 1, 182–4, no. 173. 29 Derek W. Lomax, The reconquest of Spain, 82, suggests that the king ‘had a clear, if ambitious, programme — Saragossa and Lérida, then outlets to the Mediterranean at Tortosa and Valencia, and finally Jerusalem’, but it is unclear how Lomax arrived at this conclusion. 30 See above, n. Footnote28. 31 See Elena Lourie, ‘The will of Alfonso I, “El Batallador,” king of Aragon and Navarre: a reassessment’, Speculum, 50 (1975), 635–51; A.J. Forey, ‘The will of Alfonso I of Aragón and Navarre’, Durham University Journal, 73 (1980), 59–65; and Elena Lourie's response in ‘The will of Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre: a reply to Dr. Forey’, in her Crusade and colonisation. Muslims, Christians and Jews in Medieval Aragon (London, 1990) nos III and IV. 32 Peter Schickl, ‘Die Enstetehung und Entwicklung des Templeordens in Katalonien und Aragon’, Gessammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte spaniens, 28 (1975), 91–228, has suggested that Alfonso I envisioned an international crusading movement, based on military orders, in which his own confraternities would participate. See also Stalls, Possessing the land, 237. Noting the eventual failure of the Belchite and Monreal confraternities, O'Callaghan has suggested that the Battler wrote his will because he was disappointed in his inability to create a lasting militia Christi for the defence of his realm. But this is a hard case to make. Surely, Alfonso I would have liked to see the confraternities of Belchite and Monreal flourish. If he had lived longer, perhaps he would have founded additional militiae to augment Christian military power in his kingdom. But this does not suggest abject failure to create a defence for his realm since he could have provided for that in other ways. Giving his crown to foreign institutions was not popular among the Aragonese aristocracy and doing so would hardly have fostered an environment that facilitated a united defence of his kingdom if such defensive concerns were truly Alfonso's primary design. Crusade and reconquest, 40. 33 The document is reprinted in Peter Rassow, ‘La Cofradía de Belchite’, 220–1, 224–6. 34 Ad tantum igitur remissionis gaudium, fratres karissimi, alacri animo properate, dominici precepti memores: Qui sequitur me, non ambulat in tenebrris, et: que perdiderit animam suam propter me, in uitam eternam custodit eam, et: qui non tollit crucem suam et sequitur me, non est me dignus. Simili autem remissione sepulcrum Domini de captivitate ereptus est et Mairoica et Cesaraugusta et alie, et similiter Deo annuente iter Jherosolimitanum ab hac parte aperietur et Ecclesia dei, que adhuc sub captiuitate ancilla tenetur, libera efficietur. Rassow, ‘La Cofradía de Belchite’, 225. 35 See above, n. Footnote23. 36 Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de la cruzada, 80. 37 Historia Silense, ed. Justo Pérez de Urbel and Atilano González Ruiz-Zorrilla (Madrid, 1959), 119. 38 See the undated document in Colección de documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragon, ed. Prospero Bofarull, et al., 5 vols (Barcelona, 1847–1910), vol. 4, 373–4, no. 154. Also see O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade, 34–5. 39 Reference to the Mallorcan indulgence is made in several contemporary documents that are extant. See Mansilla, La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III, 69–70, no. 50 (23 May 1116); Liber Maiolichinusde gestis pisanorum illustribus, ed. Carlo Calisse, Fonti per la storia d'Italia, 29 (Rome, 1904), 144, no. 9 (26 June 1116); Gesta comitum Barchinonensium, ed. L. Barrau Dihigo and J. Massó Torrents (Barcelona, 1924), 8:4 and 38:16; and Vita Sancti Olegari in España Sagrada, ed. Enrique Flórez, et al., 51 vols (Madrid, 1747–1879), vol. 29, 476–7. For comments on the indulgence in the secondary literature, see Paul Kehr, Das Papsttum und der katalanische Prinzipat bis zur Vereinigung mit Aragon (Berlin, 1926), 56–7 and O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade, 35–6. 40 Gelasius II, ‘Epistolae et Privelegia’, PL, vol. 163, no. 25, col. 508 (10 December 1118). 41 Mansilla, La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III, 79–80, no. 62 (2 April [1121–24]). See Goñi Gaztambide, Historia, 76–8; Juan Francisco Rivera Recio, La Iglesia de Toledo en el siglo XII (1086–1208), 2 vols (Rome, 1966), vol. 1, 214–16; and O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade, 38–9. 42 It is also possible that the indulgence Gelmírez — assuming that he was in some sense the author of this 1136 document — had in view was his attempt to expand the boundaries of Calixtus II's 1123 indulgence with his own 1125 indulgence at the Council of Santiago de Compostela. See above, n. Footnote23. 43 See Simon Barton, ‘A forgotten crusade: Alfonso VII and the campaign for Jaén (1148)’, Historical Research, 73 (2000), 312–20. 44 Matthew Bennett, ‘Military aspects of the conquest of Lisbon, 1147’, in: The second crusade. Scope and consequences, ed. Jonathan Phillips and Martin Hoch (New York, 2001), 71–89; De expugnatione Lyxbonensi. The conquest of Lisbon, ed. and trans. Charles Wendell David, with a new forward and bibliography by Jonathan Phillips (New York, 2001). 45 On the significance of the capture of Lleida in the formation of the Corona de Aragon see Damian J. Smith, ‘The abbot-crusader: Nicholas Breakspear in Catalonia’ in: Adrian IV, the English Pope, 1154–1159, ed. Brenda Bolton and Anne J. Duggan (Aldershot, 2003), 29–39. 46 Nikolas Jaspert, ‘Capta est Dertosa, clavis Christianorum: Tortosa and the crusades’, in: The Second Crusade, ed. Phillips and Hoch, 90–110. 47 Visum fuit auctoribus expeditionis partem exercitus unam destinari in partes Orientalis, alteram in Hyspaniam, tertiam vero ad Scalvos, Helmodii Chronica Slavorum in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ed., Georg H. Pertz et al. (Hannover and Berlin, 1826–), vol. 21:1, 59. See Nikolas Jaspert, ‘Capta est Dertosa, clavis Christianorum’, 90–1. See also Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de la cruzada, 84–5 and Jonathan Phillip's assessment of Bernard's influence on the Lisbon crusade in ‘Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, the Low Countries and the Lisbon letter of the second crusade’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (1997), 485–97. 48 For a discussion of ideological strategies other than the iter per Hispaniam that were made use of during this period to maintain a high level of interest in crusading in Spain, see Purkis, ‘Crusade and pilgrimage spirituality’, 190–244. 49 See Eloy Benito Ruano, ‘Las Ordenes militares españoles y la idea de Cruzada’, Hispania, 16 (1956), 3–15; Maur Cocheril, ‘Essai sur l'origine des Ordres militaires dans la peninsule ibérique’, Collectanea Ordinis Cisterciensis Reformati, 20 (1958), 346–61; 21 (1959), 228–50, 302–29; Joseph F. O'Callaghan, ‘The affiliation of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Cîteaux’ and ‘The foundation of the Order of Alcántara, 1176–1218’, in: O'Callaghan, The Spanish military order of Calatrava and its affiliates (London, 1975), essay I 176–92 and and essay IV, 471–86; and Derek W. Lomax, La Orden de Santiago (1170–1275) (Madrid, 1965). 50 The letter is reproduced in José Luis Martín, Los orígenes de la Orden Militar de Santiago (1170–1195) (Barcelona, 1974), 226–8. 51 Si, quod accidat, sarracenis ab Yspanie partibus citra mare propulsis, in terra de Marrocos magister et capitulum ire propsuerit, illic et eos adiuvare sicut fratres non desistant. Similiter et, si necesse fuerit, in Iherusalem. Martín, Los orígenes, 227. 52 See Sylvia Schein, Fideles crucis. The papacy, the west, and the recovery of the Holy Land, 1274–1314 (Oxford, 1991). 53 On Lull as a very peculiar crusading theorist see J.N. Hillgarth, Ramon Lull and Lullism in fourteenth-century France (Oxford, 1971). 54 Johannes Vincke, ‘Der Eheprozess Peters II von Aragon (1206–1213)’, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte spaniens, 5 (1935), 108–89. 55 Jaime II tried on a number of occasions to mount a seaborne crusade to the Holy Land, coming closest to success in 1269. See Damian J. Smith, ‘Guerra Santa y Tierra Santa en el pensamiento y la acción del rey Jaime I de Aragón’, in: Guerre, religion et idéologie dans l'espace méditerranéen latin du XIè au XIIIè siècle, ed. Daniel Baloup and Philippe Josser (Madrid, 2006), 299–315 and Francesch Carreras i Candi, ‘La creuada a Terra Santa (1269–1270)’, in: I Congreso de historia de la Corona de Aragón, 3 vols (Barcelona 1908–9), vol. 1, 106–38. 56 See Norman Housley, The Avignon papacy and the crusades, 1305-1378 (Oxford, 1986), 53–4; and Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de la cruzada, 263–81, especially 277–9. 57 Housley, Contesting the crusades, 2–13. In his delineation and definition of these schools Housley draws upon Giles Constable, ‘The historiography of the crusades’, in: The crusades from the perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim world, ed. Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy Parviz Mottahedeh (Washington, DC, 2001), 1–22. 58 Housley, Contesting the crusades, 20. 59 Que uero ibidem deo per annum seruire uoluerit, eandem quam si Jherusalem tenderet, remissionem assequatur. Qui uero per singulas ebdomadas totius anni sexta feria abstinere debet, si per mensem ibidem deo seruire uoluerit, remittatur ei simili modo et de aliis diebus. Si autem quilibet in loco sui aliquem, que uices suas in predicto dei seruicio expleat, miserit, eandem remissionem, quam haberet presens, absens consequatur. Qui uero de proprio XII denarios uel qual ualcat ibidem deo seruitentibus miserit, remissionem unius quadragesime habeat et eo, quod in dei seruicio ibi desudauerit, multo amplius, et sic iuxta modum donationis sit et modus remissionis. Si autem aliquam peregrinationem qui libet facere uluerit et ibi per tot dies, quot sub peregrinatione deo militauerit, uel quod in peregrinatione expenderet, deo seruientibus illuc miserit, duplici renumeratione ab omnium bonorum largitore ditari meratur. Qui autem ad opus eorundem predicando per terras necessaria fideliter adquisierint, eadem remissione, qua et ipsi, participent. Si quilibet uiuens uel moriens miles uel alius equum et arma sua ad dei seruicium ibidem dimiserit, eandem remissionem, quam si ad hospicium Iherusalem uel templum dimisisset, obtineat. Rassow, ‘La Cofradía de Belchite’, 224–6. 60 On the early commutation of crusading vows in Spain see Purkis, ‘Crusade and pilgrimage spirituality’, 168–73. The definitive history of crusading and the crusade idea in early modern Spain has yet to be written, but one would do well to begin with Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de la cruzada, 462–640. 61 Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional. Sección Inquisición, Libro 1251, f. 288–94 (18 May 1650). 62 Purkis, ‘Pilgrimage and crusade spirituality’, 172–3. 63 Among those who have argued for the idea of proto-crusades in Spain see Erdmann, The origin of the idea of crusade, 136–40, 155–6, 288–9; Lomax, The reconquest of Spain, 59; and O'Callaghan, Reconquest and crusade, 24–7. Marcus Bull, ‘Views of Muslims and of Jerusalem in miracle stories, c.1000–c.1200: reflections on the study of first crusaders’ motivations' in: The experience of crusading, vol. 1. Western approaches, ed. Marcus Bull and Norman Housley (Cambridge, 2003), 37 and Purkis, ‘Crusade and pilgrimage spirituality’, 164–6 have argued a contrary position. I am indebted to William J. Purkis for these references. 64 As Purkis has noted, ‘Angus MacKay and Richard Fletcher argued convincingly that eleventh-century warfare between Iberian Christians and Muslims was often driven by political and material exigencies rather than by any ideological imperative’. ‘Pilgrimage and crusade spirituality’, 165. See MacKay, Spain in the middle ages. From frontier to empire, 1000–1500 (London, 1977), 15–26 and Fletcher, ‘Reconquest and crusade in Spain, c. 1050–1150’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 37 (1987), 31–47. 65 See for example, Riley-Smith's What were the crusades? and ‘Crusading as an act of love’, 177–92 and also Marcus Bull, Knightly piety and the lay response to the first crusade. The Limousin and Gascony, c.970–c.1130 (Oxford, 1993). 66 Constable, ‘The historiography of the crusades’, 18. 67 Note the helpful description of the various ideological stages in Spanish crusading offered by Purkis in ‘Crusade and pilgrimage spirituality’, 244. 68 Housley, Contesting the crusades, 10.
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