Title: Vulnerability among paupers: Determinants of individuals receiving poor relief in nineteenth-century northern Sweden
Abstract: Abstract This study combines computerized parish registers with parish meeting records that account for individuals who received poor relief in the nineteenth-century Sundsvall region, Sweden. The combination of sources especially helps to explore the recipients who are overlooked in the literature or difficult to trace in historical data. Their demographic characteristics in relation to relief allocation and experiences prior to it are analyzed and show that they did not only share the occurrence of entitlement. Vast but insufficient family networks failed to give the recipients support to manage their distressed situation. Deaths and births of relatives jeopardized their capability to guarantee subsistence for them or their family, and so did also their gender and phase in the lifecycle. The multi-dimensional concept of vulnerability is employed to comprehend the dynamic determinants of poverty represented by individuals granted poor relief. It is argued that this concept has to be further developed but nevertheless helps to identify and stratify some of the vulnerabilities that characterized paupers in the past. Keywords: Poor reliefVulnerabilityPovertyLifecycleNineteenth-century SwedenFamily networks Acknowledgments I particularly wish to express my gratitude to the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond) and Professor Ulf Drugge, Kalmar University, Sweden, for a research position in the interdisciplinary project 'Crisis-biographies: life-course and time-geographical aspects of the causes, cures and consequences of individual crises' (Krisbiografier: krisers uppkomst och hantering under 1800-talet sett ur ett livsförlopps-och tidsgeografiskt perspektiv). This article owes a great deal to Ulf Drugge for his archival efforts and sociological perspectives. An earlier version was presented at a session on poverty at the 2003 SSHA conference in Baltimore, a panel organized by Professor Andrew Blaikie and discussed by Marjorie Levine-Clark. I am most grateful for their comments. I would also like to thank colleagues at the Center for Population Studies (CPS), Center for Sami Studies (CeSam) and Demographic Data Base (DDB), Umeå University, Sweden, for providing me with constructive critique, and especially Elisabeth Engberg, who has shared her great knowledge on the issues of poor relief. Notes 1 In the digitized parish registers stored at the Demographic Data Base, every individual is given an identity number that is unique for him/her. DDB-ID (Stina Johanna Nääs): 803001184; Parish meeting records in Skön 1813-04-11, 1828-12-07, 1829-02-15, 1831-03-27, 1832-02-19. In the nineteenth-century Sundsvall region 7.8 percent lost one or two parents before ten years of age. This figure was one of strong stability throughout the century (Åkerman, Högberg, & Andersson, 1992, p. 85). 2 DDB-ID (Olof Gissler): 802001442; Parish meeting records in Alnö 1823-06-15. 3 DDB-ID (Sigrid Frölander): 802001179; Parish meeting records in Alnö 1860-10-14. 4 After having investigated the research field in Sweden and abroad, Elisabeth CitationEngberg (2005, pp. 18–24) concludes this. See also CitationEnglander (1998) and CitationKing (2000). 5 The population figures regarding the region concern the parishes included in this survey, see reference 8. 6 In their reports the county governors of Västernorrland discuss these issues, see CitationGovernment reports: Landshövdingarnas Femårsberättelser and Västernorrland, 1866–1870 (p. 2) and 1871–75 (p. 7). 7 From 1863 onwards, the parish meeting records (sockenstämmoprotokoll) were named municipal meeting records (kommunalstämmoprotokoll). In this study they keep their old label. Issues on poor relief were primarily decided on and documented in the parish board. Matters were sometimes debated in the Church council meeting records (kyrkostämmoprotokoll), and therefore these records are also used for the same period. Records are missing for Njurunda in the period of 1805–1860. Ulf Drugge has been of great help in the process of identifying the recipients. 8 These are Alnö, Njurunda, Skön, Timrå and Tuna that all witnessed the establishment and expansion of the sawmill industry. 9 They include information about migration, marriages, deaths and births, and the annually documented catechetical examination registers allow longitudinal analyses at the individual level. Problems arise because of how the ministers recorded occupation and occupational changes. In areas affected by rapid industrialization and intense migration the population was also difficult to document. The validity of Swedish parish registers in general, and those of the Sundsvall region in particular, are tested and verified (Alm-Stenflo, Citation1994; Norberg, Citation1979; Edvinsson, Citation1992, 27ff; CitationVikström, 2003, 45f). 10 More information on DDB and its digitized sources are available from: http://www.ddb.umu.se/index_eng.html. 11 CitationRowntree (1902, pp. 86f) introduced the concept of primary poverty determined by an absolute level of subsistence that separated poor people from those more fortunate. Scholars have developed more relative definitions of poverty where those below a dynamic level of economic sufficiency are labeled poor. Some approaches to fiscal poverty are represented by Gerger (Citation1992), Lundsjö (Citation1975) and CitationSöderberg (1978). Both CitationKing (2000, pp. 111ff) and CitationEngberg (2005, pp. 124–157) analyze paupers with regard to the 'dark figure' of poor relief, the latter by using tax-exemptions as yet another indicator of poverty. Today research goes beyond economic concepts by employing definitions that link poverty to social, cultural and ethnical inequality (CitationSen, 1992). 12 The local policy of poor relief concerning the parishes studied here is discussed in greater detail in CitationDrugge (in press). That parishes should take care of their own paupers was already stated in the Church Law of 1686 (1686 års Kyrkolag). Other regulations, such as the Hospital and Orphan Asylum Ordinances of the 1760s (Hospitals-och barnhusordningarna 1763 och 1766), also emphasized the local responsibility for parishioners in need (CitationEngberg 2005, pp. 57–61; CitationOredsson, 1971, p. 7; CitationNilsson, 1965, pp. 157ff). 13 This refers to the classical gender spheres and the public–private dichotomy especially associated with men and women in the nineteenth century. These spheres have been widely debated, particularly among feminist historians (Janssens, Citation1997; Scott, Citation1988; Vikström, Citation2003, pp. 248ff). Beyond these gendered spheres, the socio-economic structure of local labour markets shape individuals' occupational options and their chances of subsistence (CitationVikström, 2003, pp. 253–263; CitationSöderberg, 1978, p. 185ff; CitationGerger, 1992, pp. 99–104; CitationHagemann, 1987, p. 151). 14 The correlation criterion is based on the following assumptions. First, in case one adult relative (parent, spouse, children aged 15 years or older) died within one year prior to the recipients' relief allocation, this caused a loss of a socio-economic support that the related person could potentially offer. Even though the death of an old parent or ill spouse could be regarded as a 'relief', the social loss of close ties is highlighted. Second, if relatives (children, siblings to entitled children) were born within one year prior to the recipients' relief allocation, it is believed that these babies became an economic burden to their parents or older siblings who were granted relief. 15 The family networks include relatives who resided in the same parish or in the Sundsvall region on the first occasion that the paupers were relieved. Social contacts also consist of friends and neighbours that might come to an individual's rescue, but these are impossible to detect in the parish registers. Spouses, parents and children are the only type of network that these sources acknowledge except for siblings. 'Intra-generational ties' refers to a spouse and/or adult siblings (aged 15 years or older), but the latter are separately treated and not included in the total access to family networks in Table 4. This is however the category of 'inter-generational ties' that refers to parents and/or adult children (aged 15 years or older). 16 Different systems of social classification are elaborated and the one used in this study employs the one developed by historical demographers in Sweden (CitationVikström, 2003, pp. 49f; CitationEdvinsson, 1992, pp. 39–43). Because of the scarcity of cases linked to each category, the social stratification is slightly modified. Dependent lodgers and paupers (inhyseshjon, fattighjon) who were unlikely to work in industry are added into group 6b in Table 6 (Eriksson & Rogers, 1978, p. 63). If no occupation is available, women are linked to their husbands or fathers. 17 The comparative perspectives discussed have been previously explored (CitationDrugge & Vikström, 2003). Among men residing in the same parishes and born in the same periods (1800–1805 and 1840–1845), the percentage of skilled labourers (group 5) and unskilled workers (group 6a) was 10% and 45% respectively, whereas the category of farm workers (group 6b) was about 20%. 18 In 1850, 54% of the regional labour force was engaged in the agricultural sector. Thirty years later the figure was only 14% (CitationBjörklund, 1997, p. 15). Some scholars, such as CitationLundsjö (1975) and CitationGerger (1992, 191ff), describe the agricultural revolution and fluctuating labour markets as the major structural changes for the pauperization process in nineteenth-century Sweden. 19 Until the new legislation of 1871, recipients could appeal against decisions made by the parish meeting. Disagreements between the two parties involved in poor relief were rare, at least those acknowledged in the sources, but they existed. The findings presented below are discussed in greater detail in CitationDrugge (in press). 20 All demographic data on the individuals is drawn from the parish registers. DDB-ID (Olof Gissler) 802001442; DDB-ID (Sigrid Frölander) 802001179. 21 This could be compared with the daily wage of industrial workers at the time, i.e. 1.50 kronor. For a cow they had to pay between 50 and 90 kronor (CitationLagerqvist & Nathorst-Böös, 2000, p. 98). 22 In April 1866, the parish meeting records in Alnö (1866-04-22) report that "hon aldrig komme att gå på socknen" ('she will never accept being sent begging in the parish'). Concerning the Gissler case, see the parish meeting records in Alnö 1866-04-15, 1866-04-22, 1872-12-28, 1873-12-29, 1875-03-27, 1875-10-25, 1877-10-29. 23 DDB-ID (Olof Johansson): 802001176. 24 The recurrent case of Olof Johansson is reported in the parish meeting records of Skön 1837-05-28, 1839-09-24, 1840-04-12, 1840-02-16, 1841-01-17, 1841-10-31, 1842-04-03, 1842-06-12, 1843-01-29, 1843-07-23, 1843-10-08, 1844-04-21, 1850-04-01. 25 DDB-ID (Stina Johanna Nääs): 803001184; Parish meeting records in Skön 1828-06-28, 1828-12-07, 1829-02-15, 1831-03-27, 1832-02-19, 1837-12-31, 1863-06-15. 26 DDB-ID (Per Nordin): 803001422 (250); Parish meeting records in Njurunda 1867-03-10, 1868-11-21(3), 1868-10-18, 1868-12-21, 1869-10-00. 27 Concerning the lengthy debate on the standard of living and some fresh historical and demographic approaches to exploring it with regard to Sen's conceptualization, see CitationBengtsson (2004, pp. 32-37). Engberg , E. 2005 . " I fattiga omständigheter. 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Publication Year: 2006
Publication Date: 2006-01-01
Language: en
Type: article
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